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Larijani: Iran's man for all crises bows out

by Staff Writers
Tehran (AFP) Oct 20, 2007
Ali Larijani, whose shock resignation as Iran's top national security official was announced on Saturday, is a conservative who maintained Tehran's tough line over its nuclear drive but was never a natural ally of President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad.

As secretary of Iran's supreme National Security Council, Larijani led talks with the European Union over the Iranian nuclear programme, refusing to offer any concessions despite mounting pressure from the West.

He also made important statements on the situation in Iraq and was the prime behind-the-scenes mover in the diplomatic crisis with London over the 15 British sailors captured by Iran in March.

In short, he was Iran's man for all crises.

But the wordy and distinctly undramatic language of the bearded and bespectacled Larijani, 49, often contrasted starkly with the more volatile and populist rhetoric of Ahmadinejad.

A former head of state television, Larijani has long been a regime insider, whereas former Tehran mayor Ahmadinejad remains a relative newcomer on Iran's national political scene.

Larijani was a defeated candidate in the 2005 presidential election won by Ahmadinejad who subsequently appointed him to head the security council, a powerful body charged with all national security issues.

Larijani immediately scrapped a suspension of uranium enrichment activities agreed under the former negotiating team, saying that Iran would never swap the "pearl" of its nuclear technology for the "sweet" offered by the Europeans.

He carried out months of sensitive talks with EU foreign policy chief Javier Solana, but these nevertheless failed to reach a deal to end the nuclear standoff between Iran and the West.

"It is said there were differences (between Larijani and Ahmadinejad) over the method of carrying out nuclear policy," said one Iranian analyst close to Larijani, who asked not to be named.

"Also the role imagined by Ahmadinejad for the council's secretary was different," he added.

Rumours had circulated in Iran for months that Larijani was unhappy with his position and had offered to resign. But until Saturday nothing had ever been confirmed.

Government spokesman Gholam Hossein Elham said Larijani had offered to resign several times but only now had his resignation been accepted by Ahmadinejad.

He gave no reason for the resignation, except to say that Larijani wanted to pursue other activities in politics and had "personal reasons" for his desire to step down.

One Iranian official, who asked not to be named, said Larijani might be considering becoming a candidate for parliament in the elections next March 14.

The resignation came just one day after Ahmadinejad flatly contradicted a statement by Larijani that Russian President Vladimir Putin had made a proposal over the Iranian nuclear programme during his visit to Iran on Tuesday.

There was occasional speculation that Larijani wanted the government to take a less confrontational line on the nuclear programme, but these differences, if true, were never aired in public.

Yet while Larijani may have sometimes adopted a more pragmatic tone than Ahmadinejad, he remains a hardline regime insider.

His entire family is a pillar of the Islamic establishment.

Born in the holy Shiite city of Najaf in Iraq, Larijani is the son of a grand Ayatollah. He also married the daughter of Ayatollah Morteza Motahari, a close confidant of Iran's revolutionary founder Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini.

His younger brother Sadegh Larijani is a cleric and a member of the Islamic republic's main vetting body, the Guardians Council. Another brother, Mohammad Javad, is top adviser to the judiciary in international affairs.

As head of state television between 1994 and 2004, Larijani used his powers to move against reformers with programmes attacking intellectuals and people close to reformist President Mohammad Khatami.

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Commentary: Not since Stalin
Washington (UPI) Oct 17, 2007
The last visit by a Russian leader to Iran was by Joseph Stalin in December 1943 for a secret summit with Franklin Roosevelt and Winston Churchill. The British leader wanted the next major allied invasion to target Europe's soft underbelly in the Balkans. The Soviet dictator and the U.S. president outvoted him. Thus, the decision was reached to make the invasion of France, which took place seven months later in 1944, the next geostrategic priority. This second summit, 64 years later, could also prove momentous -- down the road.







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