What does all this portend for fourth-generation warfare? Regrettably, it means the omens are favorable for some non-state entities, especially those that compete with the state in the delivery of vital social services.

Here we must remind ourselves that the root and origin of 4GW is a crisis of legitimacy of the state. One of the functions the state is now expected to perform, in free market as well as socialist countries, is to ensure that the economy functions as well. A worldwide financial panic followed by a world recession or depression would mean the state was failing in one of its core functions. That in turn would further diminish the legitimacy of the state.

Wilsonians and other "democracy" hucksters think a state's legitimacy is a function of elections. Even in established democracies such as the United States, those elections are becoming empty forms, political kabuki in which citizens are not given an opportunity to vote against the New Class. In most of the world, elections do not even determine which collection of thieves will next get to plunder the treasury. The game is blatantly rigged.

In poor countries, the state's legitimacy is more a function of its ability to provide vital services than the election of ju-ju. Often, those services include allowing people to eat. Most people's diets depend on subsidized state rations, such as the bread ration in Egypt. Recent riots there when the issue of cheap bread was disrupted showed the potential power of hungry mobs.

A worldwide depression would cause hardship in rich countries. In poor countries, it would quickly lead to widespread starvation. The state no longer would be able to provide the subsidized rations millions of its citizens rely on. The rise in world food prices already under way would put states in a double squeeze: The state's revenues would be falling at the same time that the difference between market and subsidized prices was growing. Add in global financial panic where credit dries up, and we will see the number of failed states rise rapidly.

In the Great Depression of the 1930s, states' economic failure brought governments and even systems of government, including democracy, into question. In both Europe and the United States, communism and fascism gained a certain popularity because in the Soviet Union, Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany, everyone had a job. But the state itself was not challenged, because there was no alternative to the state.

Now, there is. Intelligent 4G entities, ranging from some drug gangs through organizations such as Hezbollah, the Shiite Party of God in southern Lebanon, are competing directly with the state for people's primary loyalty. If those 4G entities can provide basic services, including food, when the state can no longer do so, they will gain the legitimacy that the state is losing. In fourth-generation war, that is a bigger win than any potential military victory.

In terms of 4GW theory, the lessons here are two. First, a global economic crisis is likely to lead to a much deeper crisis, a widespread existential crisis of the state itself. Second, the 4G entities that benefit from this crisis will be those that provide basic services more effectively than the state.

Once again, just as from a military perspective, we see that the "Hezbollah model" is the most promising model for 4G, non-state organizations. That model includes a highly competent military that can defeat state armed forces. But it employs its military capability sparingly, fighting only when attacked or when a low-risk, high-payoff military opportunity presents itself, which will be seldom.

For 4GW entities as for states, the outcome of wars will remain unpredictable. Instead, the Hezbollah model focuses day-to-day on providing services to the people, building its legitimacy vis-a-vis the state and gaining the population's primary loyalty. At some point, that loyalty will become so strong that not even military defeat by a state's armed forces will destroy it.

(William S. Lind, expressing his own personal opinion, is director for the Center for Cultural Conservatism for the Free Congress Foundation.)

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